We find ourselves in one of those awkward times in history when everyone depends on an illusion that determines who gets promoted and therefore is treated as reality despite being unrealistic. In the collapse cycle, this is the nadir, at which point civilization has drifted so far from reality that it detests any realistic thinking.
Our civilization got taken over by bureaucracy because it became prosperous and refused to exile enough of its neurotics, forming a need for bureaucracy to manage the various citizens unable to survive a night in the woods alone. The neurotics became an important audience, created the bureaucracy, and used it enforce their fears of inequality.
That herd is terrified of genetics and the fact that people are biologically unequal because that means that someone knows better and therefore the weird twisted little dreams of the neurotics will be revealed as maladaptations, the neurotics seen as high mutation load or admixture cases, and hierarchy will emerge.
In the hands of the bureaucracy, society became an egalitarian engine for taking from the productive and giving to the unproductive, following a superstitious pathology of trying to make “equal” what biologically, mathematically, and logically cannot be “equal,” namely the abilities of individuals and groups.
As the twenty-first century dawns, the bureaucracy depends on a Keynesian circular Ponzi scheme where it taxes the productive, gives money to the unproductive, and then bases its statistics on growth, productivity, innovation, and GDP on the spending on consumer products by this underclass.
That result has produced an America where minorities live materially better lives than anywhere else, receive a lot of federal, state, and local aid, are able to buy iPhones, but still feel “oppressed” because their ethnic group is not in power. In my view, they are right to feel this tension, but the only solution, ending diversity, eludes them.
Most people still want the illusion to function, so they are slavishly adhering to it and advancing its symbolic victory by constantly increasing the equality of the herd through subsidies. This has gone beyond money, and now we are actively altering history in order to make the diversity feel safe:
More than a century has passed since 110 Black soldiers stationed at Camp Logan were convicted of mutiny, murder and assault in the 1917 Houston Riot, with 19 of them executed at Fort Sam Houston. Now those convictions have been overturned.
Deputy Secretary of the Army Michael Mahoney has directed the Army Review Boards Agency to “set aside” the convictions of all soldiers from the 3rd Battalion, U.S. 24th Infantry Regiment. The Army will recognize the overturned convictions in a ceremony Monday at the Buffalo Soldiers National Museum in Midtown. Their service records will now reflect that they served honorably.
Based on the assumption that everyone is equal, it seems logical that people respond to external circumstances and therefore, if things go badly, it was because some force imposed unfairness on the equal people, causing them to react with criminality and violence.
We heard the same rhetoric during the LA riots, where all of the educated and prosperous talking heads in media described how poverty and racism were the cause of these outbreaks. If you listened to the official voices, these riots were justice reclaimed from Evil Whites who oppressed the poor minorities.
In a more realistic view, average IQ determines the wealth of any population, and the third world poor were poor before colonization just as they are now because of the biological-genetic factors that influence intelligence. This is unfortunate, but it explains the victim part of the victim-oppressor narrative we hear in the media.
The rest of the unrest emerges from diversity itself. In a polyethnic society, only one ethnic group can be in control; for every other group, this offers a choice between accepting themselves as conquered people who reject their identity, or styling themselves as victims so that they can embrace their identities.
Many of us feel a great deal of compassion and empathy for minorities in any society. It is psychologically-damaging to feel out of control of the destiny of your group, and when there are multiple races or ethnic groups in an interaction, it is natural to suspect the other groups of working against your group and by extension, you.
Unfortunately for our society, the only solution to that dilemma is to end diversity. In a diverse society, every group wages war against every other group for control, employing crime, taxation wealth transfer, smears of “racism,” false victimhood, passive aggression, and eventually riots as a means of trying to gain control.
Apparently under the Biden administration even the American military gets caught up in this process, which turns out to be weakening us because history shows us that the Camp Logan riot was brought on much like the Rodney King, Trayvon Martin, George Floyd, and Mike Brown events, through law enforcement:
Near noon, two policemen arrested a Black soldier for interfering with their arrest of a Black woman in the Fourth Ward. Early in the afternoon, when Cpl. Charles Baltimore, one of the twelve Black military policemen with the battalion, inquired about the soldier’s arrest, words were exchanged and the policeman hit Baltimore over the head. The MPs fled. The police fired at Baltimore three times, chased him into an unoccupied house, and took him to police headquarters.
Though he was soon released, a rumor quickly reached Camp Logan that he had been shot and killed. A group of soldiers decided to march on the police station in the Fourth Ward and secure his release. If the police could assault a model soldier like Baltimore, they reasoned, none of them was safe from abuse. Maj. Kneeland S. Snow, battalion commander, initially discounted the news of impending trouble.
Around 8 P.M. Sgt. Vida Henry of I Company confirmed the rumors, and Kneeland ordered the first sergeants to collect all rifles and search the camp for loose ammunition. During this process, a soldier suddenly screamed that a White mob was approaching the camp. Black soldiers rushed into the supply tents, grabbed rifles, and began firing wildly in the direction of supposed mob. The White officers found it impossible to restore order.
Sergeant Henry led over 100 armed soldiers toward downtown Houston by way of Brunner Avenue and San Felipe Street and into the Fourth Ward. In their two-hour march on the city, the mutinous Blacks killed fifteen Whites, including four policemen, and seriously wounded twelve others, one of whom, a policeman, subsequently died. Four Black soldiers also died. Two were accidentally shot by their own men, one in camp and the other on San Felipe Street.
After they had killed Capt. Joseph Mattes of the Illinois National Guard, obviously mistaking him for a policeman, the Blacks began quarreling over a course of action. After two hours, Henry advised the men to slip back into camp in the darkness — and shot himself in the head.
November 1, 1917, and March 26, 1918, the army held three separate courts-martial in the chapel at Fort Sam Houston in San Antonio. The military tribunals indicted 118 enlisted men of I Company for participating in the mutiny and riot, and found 110 guilty. It was wartime, and the sentences were harsh. Nineteen mutinous soldiers were hanged and sixty-three received life sentences in federal prison. One was judged incompetent to stand trial. Two White officers faced courts-martial, but they were released. No White civilians were brought to trial.
There is no way to make this event a good one; no party got what they wanted. Someone broke the law, cops who were tired of diversity acted predictably, and Black soldiers also tired of diversity acted predictably as well, so we got a race riot much in the lines of Watts, Tulsa, LA, Detroit, and dozens of other American race riots.
After the last few riots, the American White population was alarmed at the prospect of Black violence, which is why many Houstonians objected to the idea of having Black soldiers quartered in town in the first place. It was seen as retaliation, and many still view it as a form of racial justice administered by an oppressed underclass:
Historians would record the Camp Logan Mutiny as an event without true precedent, a deadly and premeditated assault by black Army soldiers on a white population. The immediate effect was 16 dead, including five police officers, and 22 wounded (although accounts of the precise number have varied). That was followed months later by the largest murder trial on record, soon followed by two more, with 19 men sent to the gallows and 53 handed life sentences. The greater upshot was a lasting stain on the U.S. military and especially the 24th Infantry, whose proud history would henceforth contain a horrible chapter.
“It raises the specter of black violence,” said Chad Williams, a Brandeis University history professor who specializes in the African-American military experience. “This is really critical. Going back to antebellum days, one of the great fears was black people taking up arms and fighting back in retribution for the racist treatment they had endured. That is what happened in Houston. That is a possibility that the nation still shudders at.”
In the broader view however, this riot like the others was merely an expression of frustration carried out through crime, and the source of that frustration was more complex than “racism” as a root explanation for all evils in our world. It is no fun to be an alienated underclass, which is one reason why all diverse states find themselves facing constant crime.
When we look into the details, however, we see that the Camp Logan riots were typical of clashes in diverse societies and triggered by the usual culprit, different behaviors between groups. Culture after all is biological, consisting of a series of preferences and inclinations as well as abilities, and it cannot be changed.
Noticing their differences, the two groups were already at odds, but it seems that normal law enforcement created the trigger event that caused a panicked but premeditated assault on the White population:
When African American soldiers of the Third Battalion, Twenty-fourth Infantry Regiment (3/24th) were sent to Houston to guard the construction in 1917, they faced hostility from the start. The soldiers resisted the Jim Crow segregation of the era, particularly on streetcars. Discrimination from the white construction workers occurred almost daily, and they found similar tensions in town, courtesy of the Houston police. The clashes between police and the black troops stood in sharp contrast to the more subdued African American Houstonians. Fearing a loss of control with the locals, police officers may have “picked on soldiers to show everybody that [they were] in charge.” Colonel Wiliam Newman “ordered all of his men disarmed including the battalions military police, and stored the arms under lock and key” to minimize the hostility of local whites. Only those on guard duty had access to weapons. The Crisis reported the African American troops “were supposed to call on white police officers to make arrests” if needed.
Racial hostility reached a boiling point on August 23, 1917, when two Houston police officers attempted to break up a gambling game located in the all-black neighborhood, the San Felipe District. The officers were Rufus Daniels, known as “Daniel Boone” in the black community, and Lee Sparks, who was notorious for using violent tactics. A foot chase ensued that led to the officers barging into the home of Sara Travers, dragging her outside even though she was scantily clad, and accusing her of hiding one of the gamblers. A soldier from the 3/24th, Private Alonzo Edwards, intervened on her behalf and the officers promptly pistol whipped and arrested him.
Police Chief Brock suspended Sparks as punishment for his violent tactics. Sparks reportedly remarked “any man that sticks up for a nigger is no better than a nigger” and stormed out. Although Brock suspended Sparks, he failed to inform the officer retrieving Baltimore of that fact — news that might have softened the tensions at a critical moment. Rumors also circulated that a white mob had formed.
Major Snow was informed of impending trouble by acting First-Sergeant Vida Henry. Snow attempted to assemble his command and collect all of the men’s arms and ammunition but failed to do so in any meaningful manner. As fears of white violence against the troops rose, a cry of “Get your guns, boys! Here comes the mob” catapulted the night from static to kinetic. Many soldiers grabbed rifles and began a period of indiscriminate firing at which point Major Snow lost all control, fleeing the camp towards town in a reported daze.
The soldiers shot and killed eleven civilians and four policemen, including Rufus Daniels who had been involved in the earlier arrests. Another twenty-one Houstonians were wounded and survived the incident. Of the 3/24th soldiers, Sergeant Henry reportedly took his own life and another, Private Watson, was killed by friendly fire. A white officer of the unit was also mistakenly killed; Captain Mattes’s death dissipated the soldier’s anger and effectively ended the violence.
If we survive the neurotics and their bureaucracy, future historians will look back on this time as a series of diversity conflicts that were masked as something else. Emotions ran high, suspicious were rampant, and then when a trigger event occurred, a collective tantrum unleashed itself.
No society with diversity is happy. For a civilization to survive, it must first be mono-ethnic and second avoid pitfalls like excessive bureaucracy, manipulative government, and over-extension. It will not survive if it adopts diversity, and we can see the results in Houston today.
Once an Anglo-American redoubt, Houston is now the most diverse part of North America with thousands of ethnic groups calling it home. Not surprisingly, it is also deep in debt, run perpetually by Democrats, and facing rising crime and corruption.
Contrary to what Dan Quayle made a mandatory preface for any speech, the rote “diversity is our strength” mantra, diversity is our weakness. It benefits neither Whites nor Blacks, nor any other group. These periodic diversity riots show us not just injustice, but frustration with the limitations of diversity.