Furthest Right

Building a Post-Political Right

If they simply emphasize the primary Right-wing philosophy, order, the far-Right stands to inherit the middle Right and through it, the future. Leftism has failed in practice and its reliance on diversity as its means of proving its quest for equality to be desirable has permanently soiled it.

Across the developed nations, entitlements spending (“socialism”) and diversity policies have bankrupted governments, caused neglect of infrastructure spending, and brought about unstable societies filled with crime, violence, terrorism, corruption, and worst of all, incompetence.

A sane society has a strong sense of order, which means few but firm rules and a strong culture to shape its people instead of relying on many little rules to keep them from misbehaving. This allows it to be Darwinian, promoting the most useful while removing the destructive and leaving everyone else basically alone.

The Right wants to get toward that society, but it knows that this is an uphill battle, because it requires preserving the national ethnic group and sending everyone else home on big beautiful Boats as well as cutting anti-Darwinian policies like socialism, soft on crime, no-fault divorce, and civil rights.

Ironically for modern political observers, abortion is a Darwinian policy, as are eugenics and euthanasia. The “right to life” Right has imported Leftist equality through an understanding of Christianity based in an individualistic morality which hampers any kind of clear thinking.

If the Right can get over its stumbles like throwing elections for signal issues such as abortion in order to die on the cross like Jesus in righteous defeat, then it must also get past politics itself and focus on building culture, acknowledging that this requires ethno-nationalism to even get started.

However, the question of the post-political Right gets bypassed in a quest to manage the mechanics of elections:

While it remains important to explore trends in traditional far right organisations such as political parties, the modern far-right is currently undergoing a broader and more fundamental shift; namely the emergence of a transnational and post-organisational threat. The European far-right scene today is a mixture of formalised far-right political parties, such as the Sweden Democrats, Vox in Spain, Lega in Italy and the AfD in Germany, and a series of looser, transnational far-right movements comprised of a disparate array of individuals collectively but not formally collaborating.

These movements lack formal leaders but rather have figureheads, often drawn from an increasing selection of far-right social media ‘influencers’. For most of the post-war period, ‘getting active’ required finding a party, joining, canvassing, knocking on doors, distributing leaflets and attending meetings. Now, from the comfort and safety of their own homes, far-right activists can engage in politics by watching YouTube videos, visiting far right websites, networking on forums, speaking on voice chat services like Discord and trying to convert ‘normies’ on mainstream social media platforms like Twitter and Facebook.

In other words, the Right has followed the Leftist ideal: instead of promoting candidates, promote an idea, and make it take root through culture and discourse instead of merely political methods.

The transnational Right we need is an understanding of what the Right is: an insistence on order at a level above that of the individual, tied closely to transcendentals like the good, the beautiful, and the real.

Right-wing politics are not understood because they are not actually politics. The Right-wing is famous for insisting on a case-by-case basis, ends-over-means type of thinking which more resembles folklore, literature, or common sense than any kind of highfalutin’ theory.

As Leftist fades, the Right is appealing to successful but normal people who want function over ideology, since ideology seems to lead to decay:

As Robert Pape and Keven Ruby point out in a detailed analysis in The Atlantic, “The demographic profile of the suspected Capitol rioters is different from that of past right-wing extremists. The average age of the arrestees we studied is 40. Two-thirds are 35 or older, and 40 percent are business owners or hold white-collar jobs. Unlike the stereotypical extremist, many of the alleged participants in the Capitol riot have a lot to lose. They work as CEOs, shop owners, doctors, lawyers, IT specialists, and accountants. Strikingly, court documents indicate that only 9 percent are unemployed.” A lot of them live in solidly blue counties.

The previous far-Right has now been mainstreamed. It has lost its desire for affinity with National Socialism, and the religious outlook it has is less Evangelical and Fundamentalist and more of an outgrowth of culture, a Christianity convenient for the ethnic Western Europeans who created America.

Our future Right is focused on function not moralism. Its desire is to restore culture and identity, and from that, to pare down the parasite class of bureaucrats and underclass entitlements sponges that have eaten up our societies.

The Left used diversity to erase identity and culture, but it turns out that simply hating the more successful is not enough of a unity factor to build the permanent coalition that the labor unions, Communists, and limousine liberals desire:

The trend of Republicans turning into the party of labor and Democrats becoming a party of capital looks to continue in the 2020s—something few people outside of Pat Buchanan and Ross Perot would have guessed 30 years ago. And it turns out that the promise of a Democrat-voting bloc made up of well-educated whites, blacks, and the growing Hispanic population delivering a decades-long progressive era in American politics is not coming to pass.

For nearly 20 years, this promised “coalition of the ascendant” has coalesced but failed to ascend.

Leftism operates by cherry-picking facts. It is a thesis in search of data, not data in search of a thesis. Consequently, it cannot address real-world issues, and after enough experience of Leftism, people begin to defect from it toward things that work instead.

We now face a trip of a thousand small steps, starting with Trump and populism, from our present market socialist liberal democracies toward more restrained republics, and eventually, rejecting both democracy and totalitarianism and choosing the original method of living: ethno-nationalism and monarchism.

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