Furthest Right

Happy St. Patrick’s Day!

Those who have read us for some time here realize that we are conservatives only because we are Raging Realists® and therefore are excluded from the Left, for whom achieving equality matters more than consequences in reality.

Part of Raging Realism means looking into the causes behind and beneath the political issues they bat about on the television screen, mostly as a way of distracting us from the decline and fall of Rome 2.0, the West.

One of these causes will offend everyone, namely genetic inequality. We are not equal as individuals, nor as groups. Equality is merely a fiction. We cannot linearly compare groups and say which is better.

We know however from history that mono-ethnic societies work best because they can have a shared culture and attitudes. This eliminates the constant neurotic dialogue caused by the lack of an implicit goal and standards.

In America, since the Amerinds and Africans were marginalized, our first experience with diversity involved Irish immigration.

As newcomers, they viewed themselves as separate from the founding group of WASP pioneers, and therefore, acted to take political power, wealth, and culture away from that group.

This process continues today with Irish voting tending Left:

Political perspectives trended broadly towards Democrat/liberal. In the 2016 presidential election, 92 per cent of respondents voted: 47 per cent voted for Clinton, 27 per cent for Trump, and 20 per cent refused to indicate their vote. More generally, 41 per cent signified as Democrat while 23 per cent selected Republican. The preferred news sources were more liberal than conservative; for example, of those who got their news from television, 45 per cent used NBC while 36 per cent used Fox.

Politically, Chicago remains a staunchly Democrat city. In November, Chicagoans voted 83.7 per cent in favour of Clinton, and the city has taken on a leading role as a “sanctuary city” in recent months, pushing back against the Trump administrations actions on immigration.

The Irish, historically a powerful presence in the city’s leadership via their control of the “Democratic machine”, remain potent in today’s politics, despite the significant movement of Irish Chicagoans into the suburbs over the past 50 years.

The Irish tendency to swing the vote for the Left was long recognized:

In all, nearly a quarter of Illinois governors claim some Irish ancestry. At least seven Chicago mayors — most within the past century — can say the same. Mother Jones, the prominent labor activist who organized coal miners in central and southern Illinois, was an Irish immigrant.

“From the earliest settlements to the arrival of predominantly Catholic laborers in the 1830s, Irish immigrants ran for local and statewide offices — and they won,” said Mattieu Billings, co-author of “The Irish in Illinois,” in an interview at Northern Illinois University last year. “During the late 1830s, when anti-immigrant fever or ‘nativism’ began sweeping the eastern seaboard, it was not uncommon to read nativist newspapers rail against the successes of Irish politicians in Illinois.”

A key part of that success was the ability to build coalitions across ethnic lines, which they did most prominently in the 20th century with the rise of the Chicago political machine.

Though the machine — which brought together a collection of white ethnic groups like the Irish, Poles and Italians as well as Jews and African Americans, was put together in 1931 by Chicago Mayor Anton Cermak, a Czech immigrant — he died two years later, leaving his organization and Chicago City Hall to a collection of mostly Irish-American politicians with last names like Kelly and Kennelly.

In other words, Irish are the original pro-diversity vote, leaning toward the Left on social issues generally with a few exceptions like abortion that play into their Catholic heritage.

Because they identify as outsiders, minority groups will never vote for the majority party, something that blights Southern, Irish, Mediterranean, and Eastern European-derived groups, all of whom vote Leftist:

Nearly three decades ago, Milton Himmelfarb, the thoughtful and puckish scholar of American Judaism, wrote that “Jews have the wealth and status of Episcopalians and vote like Puerto Ricans.” His point was that no matter how well-off Jews become, most stick with the Democrats and rally to the cause of outcasts. The same is true of well-to-do African Americans.

There is still a Democratic tendency among Catholics: Across income, regional and educational groups, white Catholics are consistently 8 to 12 percent more Democratic than comparable white Protestants.

If you wonder why conservatives like to get the Irish names out there, you are seeing them make a ploy for that vote, but this requires that conservatives anchor themselves with issues that cause them to lose power over time, like abortion.

For the past fifty years at least, conservatives have traded minor strikes against abortion for potentially vast gains in terms of having power or rolling back the civil rights and entitlements state that is buying voters for a permanent Left majority.

The Irish shaped the change of the American Left from classical liberalism to civil rights dogma that insisted on wealth redistribution, following their takeover of the Democrats:

Although they built enclaves of ethnic political power back in the nineteenth century, well into the post-World War II era they remained outsiders in the Ivy League, the State Department, or the White House.

By the 1960s, however, Catholics, especially Irish Catholics, had finally made it and become fully “white,” a long process indeed.

In the twentieth century, among the many Irish Americans exercising authority, the greatest secular names were George Meany and Richard Daley. Daley, Mayor of Chicago from 1955 to 1976, was universally acknowledged as the Democrats’ most consequential powerbroker in the 1950s and 60s, the biggest kingmaker of them all.

Meany, a former plumber and head of the AFL-CIO from 1955 to 1979, was the most powerful trade unionist in twentieth century America for a very long time, someone whom Presidents did not care to offend.

The Irish were heavily influential on the east coast as well, where they participated in political machines as a voting bloc that could be bought with promises of wealth transferred from Anglos or the South (which was mostly Anglo).

This caused the rise of “political machines” that resemble the current-day Biden administration in that they buy votes while beating down critics and controlling the police forces (FBI, DOJ) in order to get away with their crimes:

Political bosses and their “machine organizations” operating in large American cities at the turn of the century enjoyed strong support among the poor and immigrants, who returned the favor by voting for the bosses’ preferred candidates. Many immigrants saw bosses and political machines as a means to greater enfranchisement. For immigrants and the poor in many large U.S. cities, the political boss represented a source of patronage jobs. To urban reformers of the early 20th century, the bosses and their organizations personified political corruption.

Jim Pendergast was a Kansas City alderman who for 18 years reached out to his fellow Irishmen and to various other immigrant groups. During the peak of his power, he not only hand picked his own mayor, James A. Reed, but every other key office at City Hall. In 1900 the Pendergasts elected their first mayor and replaced Republican city workers with their supporters.

Tom Pendergast became very popular in Kansas City, because he fed the poor and provided thousands of jobs, and those people he helped often repaid him by voting “early and often” on election day. From his Democratic club headquarters, Tom Pendergast promoted a wide-open town where every form of vice was well organized and easily obtained.

In the election of 1932 Thomas J. Pendergast was able to name the governor, Guy B. Park; and in 1934 his machine was primarily responsible for the election of United States Senator Harry S. Truman. A short time later, after the Kansas City election of 1936, the Kansas City Star published detailed evidence of illegal registration of voters; and Federal Judge Albert L. Reeves charged a grand jury to investigate election procedures. The U. S. District Attorney Milligan began prosecution of machine workers charged with election frauds. In a series of 19 trials, 287 persons were convicted in Federal court without a single acquittal.

Our current government operates as a federal political machine. On the backs of the diversity vote — Southern, Irish, Mediterranean, and Eastern Europeans as well as other races from Africa and Asia — the government impoverishes everyone, buys votes through favors, promotes only those who are loyal to the Machine, and allows any crime to be ignored, so long as the right bribes are paid.

The major political machines, the Pendergast Machine and Tammany Hall, ran on Irish votes and were most commonly run by Irish-descended people, mirroring the type of political system they were familiar with back home.

These machines specialized in making people unemployed so that they could then hire only the loyal ones, basically controlling who could survive by Communist-style regulation of employment:

The machine’s consolidation of power over city government occurred in 1925 when the city charter election permitted Pendergast to gain control of the city council. While unemployed people became ever more dependent on anyone who might be able to provide a wage-paying job, Pendergast and McElroy put together plans for a tremendous bond issue, known as the Ten-Year Plan, that would do just that. In the meantime, with ingenuity, the revenues became a source of major floating funds that passed through the City Manager’s “Emergency Fund” to be used with little discretion or oversight. It paid thousands of machine-controlled workers who simply received paychecks for supplying no work for the city, and then passed on most of the proceeds to the Pendergast’s bookkeeper, Ernest L. Schneider.

Pendergast’s power increased to possibly its peak level in 1932, with the establishment of Home Rule police control and the selection of Missouri governor & U.S. representatives. Control of Governor Guy Park meant that Pendergast could gain an appointment for his friend and former business associate, R. Emmett O’Malley, as commissioner of insurance for the state of Missouri. For Kansas City, Home Rule meant that for the first time since the 1870s, Kansas City controlled its own police department.

Because of reapportionment after the 1930 census, Missouri went from 16 to 13 seats in the U.S. House of Representatives. As a result of a deadlock over how to redistrict between the Republican governor and the Democratic majority in the legislature, all House of Representatives candidates had to stand for election at-large across the state. Because Pendergast could reliably produce the largest predictable bloc of votes in the state, he was able to endorse whomever he pleased for the Democratic nominees in all 13 seat races. Every one of the Democrats won, although this was also the landslide election for Franklin Roosevelt, so Pendergast’s huge margins in Kansas City and Jackson County were only part of the election totals.

Contemporary readers may recognize other patterns that repeat throughout history:

The 1934 primary election in Kansas City had been so violent that it became known as the “Bloody Election,” with thugs connected to the Pendergast machine committing acts of violence and intimidation against opponents and voters across the city. The fraudulent reporting of election results was even more damaging to the democratic process—precincts returned astronomical participation rates. Vote totals for machine candidates (Pendergast’s picks) even exceeded the total population in several wards and precincts.

On election morning, the Pendergast political machine was out in full force. Voting proceeded throughout the day and election officials tallied, recorded, reported, and sealed the records as they were supposed to. But at that point, the U.S. Marshals stepped in and claimed the records under grand jury warrant. By 8 p.m. that night, truckloads of ballots and other records—12 tons worth—were carted to the federal building in Kansas City and FBI agents began to examine them.

The first bag opened revealed that at least 95 ballots had been tampered with. Further analysis showed such fraud and other tinkering were systemic.

The nature of the political machine is to treat politics as a business by exploiting the poor for their votes, handing out trivial amounts of aid, and then using the powers of government to trade favors to increase the power, influence, and wealth of the machine:

As Pendergast’s influence increased the newspapers began to call him “Boss Pendergast” To this he responded:

I’ve been called a boss. All there is to it is having friends, doing things for people, and then later on they’ll do things for you. You can’t coerce people into doing things for you – you can’t make them vote for you. I never coerced anybody in my life. Wherever you see a man bulldozing anybody he don’t last long.

According to Dorsett, “An important vehicle which was used by Pendergast for making friends and doing favors was the police department. It brought him friends by affording protection to the North End gambling interests and by making jobs available to his followers.”

Although Irish immigration picked up after the War of 1812, and by the 1820s was a serious concern, thanks to the Fourteenth Amendment adopted after the Civil War, the Irish were accepted as voters and soon, by using political machines run on organized crime and corruption, the Irish vote became essential to American politics, explaining the inexorable Leftward progression of American politics:

Crowded into the worst slums in North America, they had the advantage of being able to use their numbers to engineer voting pluralities and push their way ahead.

While New York’s Tammany Hall was the most famous – or infamous – Irish-American political machine, the rise of the Irish through urban mass politics is a story common to American cities from Chicago to Jersey City, from Albany to Philadelphia, from Kansas City to Boston. The big-city boss – “If I were a Republican,” said Kansas City’s Tom Prendergast, “they’d call me a leader” – not only exemplified the strengths and weaknesses of Irish machine politics, but was influential in forming coalitions that reached out to other ethnic groups, helped build the modern Democratic Party, and brought Franklin Delano Roosevelt to power and, eventually, John Fitzgerald Kennedy.

To one degree or another, the Irish-American political machine, wherever it took root, was built on the same enduring search for security that followed the trauma of the Famine and its consequences. What William Kennedy wrote about the political machine the Irish built in Albany could just as easily apply to Honest John’s machine in New York or Hinky Dink Kenna’s organization in Chicago’s First Ward: “There was only one crime and that was going hungry. They would never let that happen again.”

This type of philanthropy goes hand-in-hand with organized crime, which uses it to buy votes from outsiders such as the Irish:

The Irish were the first to come to this area in numbers. And as all immigrant populations do, they settle together because they want — they feel like — they feel that they’re foreigners. They are treated as foreigners. So they’re comfortable amongst their own. And they are insulated. And since they’re insulated, they don’t understand everything that goes on in our society. How do you get a license? How do you do this? What’s a good lease? What’s a bad lease? How do I get help or whatever it is? So they go to Big Jim Pendergast for help.

And he became the center of the Irish community. And his boarding house and saloon, the saloon became the community center down there. You came and you warmed yourself in the winter. You read the paper, letters were translated for you if you were — didn’t speak the language. And he was the major Domo of the Irish community. And as a result he now had a basis of people that relied on him. Big Jim, who do we vote for? Where you can see where that was going to take him. It took him into politics and he became an alderman, a city alderman. And he had the support of the first and second wards down along the north end of the river and the bottoms.

The Irish refer to themselves as “The Tribe” and jealously guard their secrets against outsiders, who they view as less than human:

From Tammany Hall to the Four Horsemen, the Irish have long been renowned for their political power in America, particularly in the Democratic party.

With her second book, The Tribe, Perry will examine what it means to be Irish today in American politics, and the sensitive question of whether the Irish are still politically influential.

Despite talk of assimilation, the Irish identity appears to be solidifying as the potato people conspire for ethnic domination:

A survey of mostly older Irish Americans by Ireland Reaching Out in collaboration with researchers at UCD’s Clinton Institute found that 88 per cent of Irish Americans are third generation or later (with first generation being born in Ireland).

This indicates that Irish-America today is at a stage of “late-generation ethnicity”, a term used by sociologists to designate an ethnic formation that reaches back many generations in the US and is not being replenished from the country of origin.

Asked to self-ascribe their identity, 48 per cent say Irish or Irish-American, while a large proportion underline the depth and continuity of their sense of Irishness, with 75 per cent indicating their first awareness of being Irish springs from early childhood.

The Irish continue to conspire against America with their lobby which works against majority interests by colluding to influence the vote more prominently than even Russia or China:

Coveney then began to discuss the future of Irish American and how the Irish government is working on preserving it: “We’re looking for ways in which we can try to attract a new generation of Irish America into advocating for who they are and where they come from and take an interest in Irish politics because I think that’s a really important task.

“For you, I would say, can we introduce our children into this space so that there is as strong an Irish lobby not only in Washington, but in a dozen cities across the US, in ten years’ time as there was ten years ago.

Coveney said the Irish government plans to extend voting rights to Irish citizens in the US and around the world in Irish presidential elections.

The Irish have a long history of colluding with enemies of America:

Not only did working-class Americans see the cheaper laborers taking their jobs, some of the Irish refugees even took up arms against their new homeland during the Mexican-American War. Drawn in part by higher wages and a common faith with the Mexicans, some members of the St. Patrick’s Battalion had deserted the U.S. Army after encountering ill-treatment by their bigoted commanders and fought with the enemy. After their capture, 50 members of the “San Patricios” were executed by the U.S. Army for their treasonous decisions.

Since the early days, Irish immigration was a contentious issue:

However, as more ships full of immigrants arrived in the midst of a poor harvest in 1718, Lech mere predicted that “…these confounded Irish will eat us all up, provisions being most extravagantly dear and scarce.” The following year, Governor Shute warned the General Court of the heavy burden the poor Irish were imposing on the authorities.

Various city ordinances embodied the growing animus directed at the Irish. These legislative acts required Irish immigrants to register with town officials or post bonds within days of arrival, and if they failed to comply, they were “warned out” of the city, a fate that befell 300 Irish between 1714 and 1720.

As a nod to their own immigrant origins, Irish-Americans tend to support illegal immigration:

A new group called The Irish Lobby for Immigration Reform (ILIR) has been formed by numerous big hitters in the Irish American community to fight for the rights of illegal aliens and to push for the passing of the McCain/Kennedy virtual amnesty bill. The new group is particularly upset with the bill HR.4437, which the House of Reps will soon be voting on. This bill, co-authored by Reps James Sensenbrenner and Peter King, makes being an illegal alien an aggravated felony and allows immigrant advocates who help illegals to be charged with alien smuggling.

ILIR founder Niall O’Dowd says “[t]his is the kind of bill that brings out the worst in Americans” while long time Irish American activist and ex-Congressman Bruce Morrison has called it “mean-spirited and anti-immigrant.” Ted Kennedy’s general counsel on immigration and the Ancient Order of Hibernians are also involved with the new lobby group. All of them believe that an enforcement only approach to immigration is not in keeping with America’s heritage – “nation of immigrants” and all that.

Raging Realists recognize that mono-ethnic societies turn out the best, and those that are multi-ethnic tend to achieve “progress” that turns them into mixed-race third world ruins within a relatively short span of time.

If we want to fix America, we probably should start by repatriating the Irish, who scheme against us and vote for the same type of far-Left regime that other minority groups do. We need majority rights and majority rule here in the USA.

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